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The crisis in Tehran is no longer a matter of conflict between “reformists” and “hardliners”; rather, it is the collapse of the politico-economic model of the Iranian Islamic state, the model that kept the regime alive for four decades, and which has now entered a stage of senescence. Like all totalitarian systems created by humans, and despite all the ideological clamor, the Iranian Revolution passed through three phases: the ideological phase; then the phase of political bu

Samir Altaqi It is often attributed to Churchill that he once said: “No one can govern Syria, nor can Syria govern itself.” Thus, before Sykes–Picot and after it, this mentality has continued to dominate approaches to Syria up to the present day. According to many Western references, Orientalists and Western diplomats still read Syria as a space inhabited by people deemed unfit to build their own state—people who have not “civilized” themselves into a nation-state, but rather

Since late December 2025, Iran has been moving at an accelerated pace toward a dangerous trajectory—one that cannot be sufficiently described as merely “livelihood protests.” The current wave of protests appears closer to a serious test of the political system’s future, not only because the streets have filled, but because the rules of the game themselves have undergone a profound transformation. When the expected returns of internal actors—authority, protesters, hesitant eli

A Consensus Constitution and Transitional Justice Redefine Power This return resembles what resulted from the assumption of the collapse of the Assad state and the resilience of “new Syria,” drawing on the experience of Spain after Franco, Lebanon after the Taif Agreement, Germany after the wars, and Iraq after 2003.In addition to others’ lessons, the European Marshall Plan, and the failure of the reconstruction model.Syria today writes its constitution and sets its own equat